Lacan
Smash Rookie
I'm a bit new to the smashboards and I'm a little shaky on whether I should be starting out here, but since I'm a debater on the national NFL policy debate circuit, I thought this would be a cool place to be.
Global industrial capitalism is a phenomenon that permeates not only economic systems but the global psyche of humanity. The rise of capitalism arose from a need for control over economics and the working class as economies and monetal value grew.
This creates problems -- global industrial capitalism assigns value to lives based on their monetary value due to the reality and obsession with capital that capitalism dictates. This can lead to hugely detrimental effects such as dehumanization and poverty, as seen in the status quo. Those who are not worth enough capital are able to be discarded due to capitalism's hierarchy.
Global industrial capitalism is a phenomenon that permeates not only economic systems but the global psyche of humanity. The rise of capitalism arose from a need for control over economics and the working class as economies and monetal value grew.
This creates problems -- global industrial capitalism assigns value to lives based on their monetary value due to the reality and obsession with capital that capitalism dictates. This can lead to hugely detrimental effects such as dehumanization and poverty, as seen in the status quo. Those who are not worth enough capital are able to be discarded due to capitalism's hierarchy.
But the alternative to global capitalism isn't really something like shifting gears to socialism and communism. Philosophers like Slavoj Zizek and Gilles Deleuze purport that we cannot imagine an alternative to global capitalism because capitalism has permeated every facet of our lives so that we can't even envision a world without capitalism realistically and understand how it would function. The best way to break it down would be to first understand how capitalism and power operates, then move from there.Brown 2005 , professor of economics and research scientist at the University of Michigan (Charles Brown, UNT accessed ac)http://archives.econ.utah.edu/archives/pen-l/2005w15/msg00062.html,
The capitalist class owns the factories, the banks, and transportation-the means of production and distribution. Workers
sell their ability to work in order to acquire the necessities of life. Capitalists buy the workers' labor, but only pay them back a portion of the
wealth they create. Because the capitalists own the means of production, they are able to keep the surplus wealth created by workers above and beyond the cost of
paying worker's wages and other costs of production. This surplus is called "profit" and consists of unpaid labor that the capitalists
appropriate and use to achieve ever-greater profits. These profits are turned into capital which capitalists use to
further exploit the producers of all wealth-the working class. Capitalists are compelled by competition to seek to
maximize profits. The capitalist class as a whole can do that only by extracting a greater surplus from the unpaid labor of
workers by increasing exploitation. Under capitalism, economic development happens only if it is profitable to the
individual capitalists, not for any social need or good. The profit drive is inherent in capitalism, and underlies or
exacerbates all major social ills of our times.With the rapid advance of technology and productivity, new forms of capitalist ownership have developed
to maximize profit. The working people of our country confront serious, chronic problems because of capitalism. These chronic
problems become part of the objective conditions that confront each new generation of working people. The threat of nuclear war, which can destroy
all humanity, grows with the spread of nuclear weapons, space-based weaponry, and a military doctrine that justifies their
use in preemptive wars and wars without end. Ever since the end of World War II, the U.S. has been constantly involved in aggressive military actions
big and small. These wars have cost millions of lives and casualties, huge material losses, as well as trillions of U.S.
taxpayer dollars. Threats to the environment continue to spiral, threatening all life on our planet. Millions of
workers are unemployed or insecure in their jobs, even during economic upswings and periods of "recovery" from
recessions. Most workers experience long years of stagnant real wages, while health and education costs soar. Many workers are forced to work second and third
jobs to make ends meet. Most workers now average four different occupations during their lifetime, being involuntarily moved from job to job and career to career.
Often, retirement-age workers are forced to continue working just to provide health care for themselves.With capitalist globalization, jobs move as
capitalists export factories and even entire industries to other countries. Millions of people continuously live below the
poverty level; many suffer homelessness and hunger. Public and private programs to alleviate poverty and hunger do not
reach everyone, and are inadequate even for those they do reach. Racism remains the most potent weapon to divide
working people. Institutionalized racism provides billions in extra profits for the capitalists every year due to the unequal
pay racially oppressed workers receive for work of comparable value. All workers receive lower wages when racism succeeds in dividing and
disorganizing them. In every aspect of economic and social life, African Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, Asian a nd Pacific Islanders, Arabs and Middle Eastern
peoples, and other nationally and racially oppressed people experience conditions inferior to that of whites. Racist violence and the poison of racist
ideas victimize all people of color no matter which economic class they belong to. The attempts to suppress and undercount the vote of
the African American and other racially oppressed people are part of racism in the electoral process. Racism permeates the police, judicial and prison systems,
perpetuating unequal sentencing, racial profiling, discriminatory enforcement, and police brutality. The democratic, civil and human rights of all
working people are continually under attack. These attacks range from increasingly difficult procedures for union recognition and attempts to prevent
full union participation in elections, to the absence of the right to strike for many public workers. They range from undercounting minority communities in the census to
making it difficult for working people to run for office because of the domination of corporate campaign funding and the high cost of advertising. These attacks also
include growing censorship and domination of the media by the ultra-right; growing restrictions and surveillance of activist social movements and the Left; open denial
of basic rights to immigrants; and, violations of the Geneva Conventions up to and including torture for prisoners. These abuses all serve to maintain the
grip of the capitalists on government power. They use this power to ensure the economic and political dominance of their
class. Women still face a considerable differential in wages for work of equal or comparable value. They also confront
barriers to promotion, physical and sexual abuse, continuing unequal workload in home and family life, and male
supremacist ideology perpetuating unequal and often unsafe conditions. The constant attacks on social welfare programs severely impact
single women, single mothers, nationally and racially oppressed women, and all working class women. The reproductive rights of all women are
continually under attack ideologically and politically. Violence against women in the home and in society at large remains a shameful fact of life in
the U.S.
The big question becomes, why should we reject capitalism? The answer arises from our deontological categorical imperative to save the lives of those destroyed by capitalism, especially the impoverished. These people are subjugated but simultaneously hidden by the system as consumer chains obscure the source of labor and the oppression of the lower class.Herod 2004—James, Faculty at the University of Massachusetts at Bostonhttp://site.www.umb.edu/faculty/salzman_g/Strate/GetFre/06.htm
It is time to try to describe, at first abstractly and later concretely, a strategy for destroying capitalism. This strategy, at its most basic,
calls for pulling time, energy, and resources out of capitalist civilization and putting them into building a new civilization.
The image then is one of emptying out capitalist structures, hollowing them out, by draining wealth, power, and
meaning out of them until there is nothing left but shells. This is definitely an aggressive strategy. It requires great militancy, and
constitutes an attack on the existing order. The strategy clearly recognizes that capitalism is the enemy and must be destroyed, but it is not a frontal
attack aimed at overthrowing the system, but an inside attack aimed at gutting it, while simultaneously replacing it
with something better, something we want. Thus capitalist structures (corporations, governments, banks, schools, etc.) are not eized so
much as simply abandoned. Capitalist relations are not fought so much as they are simply rejected. We top participating in
activities that support (finance, condone) the capitalist world and tart participating in activities that build a new world while
simultaneously undermining the old. We create a new pattern of social relations alongside capitalist relations and then we continually build and strengthen
our new pattern while doing every thing we can to weaken capitalist relations. In this way our new democratic, non-hierarchical, non-
commodified relations can eventually overwhelm the capitalist relations and force them out of existence. This is
how it has to be done. This is a plausible, realistic strategy. To think that we could create a whole new world of
decent social arrangements overnight, in the midst of a crisis, during a so-called revolution, or during the collapse
of capitalism, is foolhardy. Our new social world must grow within the old, and in opposition to it, until it is strong
enough to dismantle and abolish capitalist relations.
If an alternative is not taken, global capitalism will inevitably collapse in on itself due to self-imposed limits such as oil shocks. What then? Without economic systems, human societies will have a hard time moving forward and this departure from the ever forward growth of capitalism will have terrible outcomes.Slavoj Zizek and GlynDaly, Senior Lecturer in Politics in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at University College, Northampton, 2004, Conversations
With Zizek, p. 14-16
For Zizek it is imperative that we cut through this Gordian knot of postmodern protocol and recognize that our ethico-political responsibility is to
confront the constitutive violence of today’s global capitalism and its obscene naturalization/anonymization of the
millions who are subjugated by it throughout the world. Against the standardized positions of postmodern culture — with all its pieties con-
cerning ‘multiculturalist’ etiquette — Zizek is arguing for a politics that might be called ‘radically incorrect’ in the sense that it breaks with these types of positions
and focuses instead on the very organizing principles of today’s social reality: the principles of global liberal capitalism. This requires some care and subtlety. For
far too long, Marxism has been bedevilled by an almost fetishistic economism that has tended towards political morbidity.With the likes of Hilferding and
Gramsci, and more recently Laclau and Mouffe, crucial theoretical advances have been made that enable the transcendence of all forms of economism. In this new
context, however, Zizek argues that the problem that now presents itself is almost that of the opposite fetish. That is to say, the prohibitive anxieties
surrounding the taboo of economism can function as a way of not engaging with economic reality and as a way of im-
plicitly accepting the latter as a basic horizon of existence. In an ironic Freudian-Lacanian twist, the fear of economism can end
up reinforcing a de facto economic necessity in respect of contemporary capitalism(i.e. the initial prohibition conjures up the very
thing it fears). This is not to endorse any kind of retrograde return to economism. Zizek’s point is rather that in rejecting economismwe should not lose
sight of the systemic power of capital in shaping the lives and destinies of humanity and our very sense of the possible.
In particular we should not overlook Marx’s central insight that in order to create a universal global system the forces of capitalism seek
to conceal the politico-discursive violence of its construction through a kind of gentrification of that system. What is persistently denied by
neo-liberals such as Rorty (1989) and Fukuyama (1992) is that the gentrification of global liberal capitalism is one whose ‘universalism’
fundamentally reproduces and depends upon a disavowed violence that excludes vast sectors of the world’s population.
In this way, neo-liberal ideology attempts to naturalize capitalism by presenting its outcomes of winning and losing as if
they were simply a matter of chance and sound judgement in a neutral marketplace. Capitalism does indeed create a
space for a certain diversity, at least for the central capitalist regions, but it is neither neutral nor ideal and its price in terms of
social exclusion is exorbitant. That is to say, the human cost in terms of inherent global poverty and degraded ‘life-
chances’ cannot be calculated within the existing economic rationale and, in consequence, social exclusion remains
mystified and nameless
I'm not sure if this is the place for conceptual debates over more abstract things like this, but it would be fantastic to have a good discussion with people interested in this.Alex Knight 2009 (Is This the End of Capitalism?)http://endofcapitalism.com/about/1-is-this-the-end-of-capitalism/)
Luckily for Earth and all those who call it home, there are limits constraining capitalism from further growth. These limits are both
ecological and social because they originate both from the planet and communities of people. The ecological limits include shrinking supplies
of water, soil, uranium, and fossil fuels like oil, natural gas, and coal. The most important limiting factor is oil,
which fuels much of the capitalist economy, including 95% of current transportation.Global capitalism today could not
exist without oil, but worldwide oil production appears to be near its ultimate maximum, or “peak.” Peak oil doesn’t mean that there is no more oil, just that the
oil remaining underground is deeper, heavier, more remote, and more expensive – so it cannot continue to be pumped at the same rate as before. As demand for oil
continues to grow, this supply limit is creating a shortage that cannot be overcome by existing alternative fuels, which has sent oil prices soaring.And without
the cheap and plentiful fuel it needs to grow, capitalism as a way of organizing society will become obsolete.
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